Jump to ContentJump to Main Navigation
Lotions, Potions, Pills, and MagicHealth Care in Early America$

Elaine G. Breslaw

Print publication date: 2012

Print ISBN-13: 9780814787175

Published to NYU Press Scholarship Online: March 2016

DOI: 10.18574/nyu/9780814787175.001.0001

Show Summary Details

(p.203) Bibliographic Essay

(p.203) Bibliographic Essay

Source:
Lotions, Potions, Pills, and Magic
Publisher:
NYU Press

Bibliography references:

This section is arranged by chapter.

Introduction

The most comprehensive study of diseases during the colonial era and the source I have relied on extensively is John Duffy, Epidemics in Colonial America (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1971). An important analysis of the power of suggestion in medicine is Arthur K. Shapiro and Elaine Shapiro, The Powerful Placebo: From Ancient Priest to Modern Physician (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1997). Information on Dr. Adam Thomson is in Elaine G. Breslaw, Dr. Alexander Hamilton and Provincial America: Expanding the Orbit of Scottish Culture (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2008).

References to the status of the medical profession in the eighteenth century are taken from Roy Porter, “A Touch of Danger: The Man-Midwife as Sexual Predator,” in Sexual Underworlds of the Enlightenment, ed. George Rousseau and Roy Porter (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1987) [207]; Richard Brown, The Healing Arts,” in Medicine in Massachusetts (Boston: CSM, 1980) [40]; David Wootton, Bad Medicine: Doctors Doing Harm since Hippocrates (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007); and Ronald Numbers “Fall and Rise of the American Medical Profession,” in Sickness and Health: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 185–96.

On the backward nature of the American medical profession and its therapies in the nineteenth century, see especially William G. Rothstein, “Botanical Movements and Orthodox Medicine” in Other Healers: Unorthodox Medicine in America, ed. Norman Gevitz (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1988), 29–51; and John Harley Warner, “Power, Conflict, and Identity in Mid-Nineteenth-Century American Medicine: Therapeutic Change at the Commercial Hospital in Cincinnati,” JAH (1987): 934–56. On the training of American medical students in Paris and of Oliver Wendell Homes’s (p.204) experiences see David G. McCullough, The Greater Journey: Americans in Paris (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2011); and John Harley Warner, The Therapeutic Perspective: Medical Practice, Knowledge, and Identity in America, 1820-1885 (Cambridge, Massachusetts; Harvard University Press, 1986).

Chapter 1: Columbian Exchange

The story of the Pilgrims and their relationship with the Wampanoags is told by James Dietz and Patricia Scott Dietz, The Times of their Lives: Life, Love, and Death in Plymouth Colony (New York: Anchor Books, 2000); Charles C. Mann, 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus (New York: Vintage Books, 2006) [96]; and Alden T. Vaughn, Roots of American Racism: Essays on the Colonial Experience (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995)[Winthrop’s statement is on 187].

For the early epidemics among Native Americans see Kathleen J. Bragdon, Native People of Southern New England, 1500–1650 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1996); Timothy L. Bratton, “The Identity of the New England Indian Epidemic of 1616–19,” BHM 62 (1988): 351–83; Esther Wagner and Allen E. Stearn, The Effect of Smallpox on the Destiny of the Amerindians (Boston: Bruce Humphries, 1945); William H. McNeill, Plagues and People (New York: Anchor Books Doubleday, 1976); and especially Alfred W. Crosby, The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1972) [41]. Information on the postcolonial era epidemics is in Elizabeth Fenn, Pox Americana: The Great Smallpox Epidemic of 1775–82 (New York: Hill and Wang, 2001); Alfred W. Crosby, Germs, Seeds, and Animals: Studies in Ecological History (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, Inc. 1994); and Dorothy Porter and Roy Porter, Patient’s Progress: Doctors and Doctoring in Eighteenth-Century England (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989).

The effect of the black death in Europe is described in Norman F. Cantor, In the Wake of the Plague: The Black Death and the World it Made (New York: Free Press, 2001); and E. A. Wrigley, Population and History (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1969).

The health problems in the Jamestown and Roanoke settlements are discussed by Helen C. Roundtree, The Powhatan Indians of Virginia: Their Traditional Culture (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989); John Duffy, The Healers: A History of American Medicine (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1976); Wyndham B. Blanton, “Epidemics Real and Imaginary and other Factors Influencing Seventeenth-Century Virginia’s Population,” BHM 31 (1957): 454–62; and John Sears Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: W. W. Norton, 1975).

(p.205) The arguments against the Mann thesis regarding genetic differences are in Paul Kelton, Epidemics and Enslavement: Biological Catastrophe in the Native Southeast, 1492–1715 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2007); David S. Jones, “Virgin Soils Revisited,” WMQ 60 (2003): 703–42 [the quote by Samoset is on 72 and by John Smith on 721]; and Douglas H. Ubelaker, “Patterns of Disease in Early North American Population” in A Population History of North America, ed. Michael R. Haines and Richard Steckel (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000). See also Alfred W. Crosby, “Virgin Soil Epidemics as a Factor in the Aboriginal Population in America,” WMQ 33 (1976): 298–99. Firsthand observations of Indian medical practices and health problems are William Bartram, Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia. … (Philadelphia, 1791); John Brickell, Natural History of North Carolina (London, 1737); and John Lawson, A New Voyage to Carolina (London, 1709).

For the most comprehensive compilation of estimates of the Native American population, see Herbert Klein, Population History of the United States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004); and John D. Daniels, “The Indian Population of North America in 1492,” WMQ 49 (1992): 298–20.

The syphilis controversy is argued by Mann, 1491; Crosby, Columbian Exchange; Kelton, Epidemics; McNeill, Plagues; Mirko D. Grmek, History of Aids: Emergence and Origin of a Modern Pandemic, trans. Russell C. Maulitz and Jacalyn Duffin (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990); and Clade Quétel, The History of Syphilis, trans. Judith Braddock and Brian Pike (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990). See also John Tennent, Every Man His Own Doctor: or, the Poor Planters Physician (Williamsburg, Virginia, 1734).

Chapter 2: Epidemics

Ola Elizabeth Winslow, Destroying Angel: The Conquest of Smallpox in Colonial Boston (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1974) provides a dramatic and detailed description of smallpox and the inoculation controversy in Massachusetts. She quotes Douglass 86–87. Cotton Mather, Angel of Bethesda, ed. Gordon W. Jones (Barre, MA: American Antiquarian Society, 1972) describes his gradual awareness of the procedure, 107. Dr. Hamilton’s comments on Douglass are in Carl Bridenbaugh, The Itinerarium of Dr. Alexander Hamilton, 1744 (1948; repr., Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992), 116–117. Also of interest are the older works by John T. Barrett, “Inoculation Controversy in Puritan New England,” BHM 12 (1942): 164–90; and John B. Blake, “The Inoculation Controversy in Boston: 1721–1722,” NEQ 25 (1952): (p.206) 489–506. A good source on the medical aspects of smallpox is Elizabeth Fenn, Pox Americana: The Great Smallpox Epidemic of 1775–82 (New York: Hill and Wang, 2001). A firsthand description of the common procedures used by doctors is Mary Cary Ambler, “Diary of M. Ambler, 1770,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 45 (1937): 151–70. Wyndham B. Blanton, Medicine in Virginia in the Eighteenth Century (Richmond, VA: Garret and Massie Inc., 1931) makes note of the riot in Norfolk, Virginia.

The British experience with inoculation is discussed in Donald R. Hopkins, Princes and Peasants: Smallpox in History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983); R. P. Stearns, “Remarks upon the Introduction of Inoculation for Smallpox in England,” BHM 24 (1950): 104–22; Genevieve Miller, The Adoption of Inoculation for Smallpox in England and France (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1957) [33]; and her “Smallpox Inoculation in England and America: A Reappraisal,” WMQ 13 (1956): 476–92.

The Thomson-Kearsley debate is described by Alexander Hamilton, A Defense of Dr. Thomson’s Discourse on the Preparation of the Body for the Small-Pox (Philadelphia, 1751); H. L. Smith, “Dr. Adam Thomson, the Originator of the American Method of Inoculation for Smallpox,” Johns Hopkins Hospital Bulletin 20 (1909): 49–52; and Elaine G. Breslaw, Dr. Alexander Hamilton and Provincial America: Expanding the Orbit of Scottish Culture (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2008).

No one has improved on the study of all diseases and epidemics of the time since the appearance of John Duffy, Epidemics in Colonial America (1953; repr., 1971) [quotations on dysentery 216, 219]. Statistical information comes from James Cassedy, Demography in Early America: Beginnings of the Statistical Mind, 1600–1800 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1969). Additional information on measles is in Ernest Caulfield, “Early Measles Epidemics in America,” Yale Journal of Biology and Medicine 15 (1942): 531–56. Commentaries on the problems in the Chesapeake Bay are in Darrett B. and Anita H. Rutman, “Of Agues and Fevers: Malaria in the Early Chesapeake,” WMQ 333 (1976): 31–60.

Peter Wood, Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from 1670 through the Stono Rebellion (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974)

provides the clearest explication of African resistance to malaria. See also James L. A. Webb Jr., Humanity’s Burden: A Global History of Malaria (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009). Other works dealing with disease problems faced by African Americans include Sharla M. Fett, Working Cures: Healing, Health, and Power on Southern Slave Plantations (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002); Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eighteen-century Chesapeake and Low Country (Chapel (p.207) Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998); and Todd L. Savitt, Medicine and Slavery: The Diseases and Health Care of Blacks in Antebellum Virginia (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978).

The use of cinchona bark for malaria and the problems of dosage and quality are addressed in Andreas-Holger Maehle, Drugs on Trial: Experimental Pharmacology and Therapeutic Innovation in the Eighteenth Century (Atlanta: Rodopi V. B., 1999); Charles M. Posner and George W. Bruyn, An Illustrated History of Malaria (New York: Parthenon, 1999); and M. L. Duran-Reynals, The Fever Bark Tree: The Pageant of Quinine (New York: Doubleday, 1946).

Chapter 3: Tools of the Trade

The Maryland Court Records were useful for the Wooten cases (Anne Arundel County, 1744); and Thomas Bacon’s inventory of possessions (Frederick County, 1769). The self-help manuals are analyzed by Lamar Riley Murphy, Enter the Physician: The Transformation of Domestic Medicine, 1760–1860 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1991) in a study of the boundaries between the professional and the public; and Mary E. Fissell, “The Marketplace of Print,” in Medicine and the Market in England and Its Colonies, c. 1450–1850, ed. Mark S. R. Jenner and Patrick Wallis (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007) with a focus on their popularity. See the comments from William Tennent, Every Man His Own Doctor (Virginia, 1734) [4–5].

There are innumerable works on orthodox medical practice including Whitfield J. Bell, “A Portrait of the Colonial Physician,” BHM 44 (1970): 497–517; John Duffy, The Healers: A History of American Medicine (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1976) [3]; J. Worth Estes, “Therapeutic Practice in Colonial New England,” in Medicine in Colonial Massachusetts, 1620–1820 (Boston: CSM, 1980), 289–383; James C. Riley, The Eighteenth-Century Campaign to Avoid Disease (London: Macmillan, 1987); Richard Harrison Shryock, Medicine and Society in America, 1660–1860 (New York: New York University Press, 1960) [117–18]; Charles E. Rosenberg, Our Present Complaint, American Medicine, Then and Now (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007); and J. Worth Estes’s analysis of New England ledger books, “Patterns of Drug Use in Colonial America,” in Early American Medicine: A Symposium, ed. Robert I. Goler and Pascal James Inperato (New York: Fraunces Tavern Museum, 1986), 29–37.

The references to the dangers of drugs use are in Harriet Washington, Medical Apartheid: The Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial Times to the Present (New York: Doubleday, 2006). Other criticism of medical practice include Roy Porter, “A Touch of Danger: (p.208) The Man-Midwife as Sexual Predator,” in Sexual Underworlds of the Enlightenment, ed. George Rousseau and Roy Porter (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1987); and Porter, “Laymen, Doctors, and Medical Knowledge in the Eighteenth Century: The Evidence of the Gentleman’s Magazine,” in Patients and Practitioners: Lay Perceptions of Medicine in Pre-Industrial Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985) [287].

On Dr. Hamilton’s life and medical practice, see Elaine G. Breslaw, Dr. Alexander Hamilton and Provincial America: Expanding the Orbit of Scottish Culture (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2008). His conversations about doctors is in Carl Bridenbaugh, The Itinerarium of Dr. Alexander Hamilton, 1744 (1948; repr., Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992) [95, 53–54].

Useful therapies are noted in Lois N. Magner, History of Medicine (New York: Marcel Dekker, Inc., 1992); Arthur K. and Elaine Shapiro, The Powerful Placebo: From Ancient Priest to Modern Physician (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); and William M. Emboden, Narcotic Plants (New York: Macmillan, 1979).

Folk and domestic remedies are described in Kay Moss, Southern Folk Medicine, 1750–1820 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1999); Anthony Cavender, Folk Medicine in Southern Appalachia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003); Jane C. Beck, “Traditional Folk Medicine in Vermont,” in Medicine and Healing, ed. Peter Benes (Boston: Boston University Press, 1992), 34–43. Indian practices are in John Duffy, “Medicine and Medical Practices among Aboriginal American Indians,” International Record of Medicine 171 (1958): 331–47; Theda Perdue, Cherokee Women: Gender and Social Change, 1700–1835 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998); and William G. Rothstein, “Botanical Movements and Orthodox Medicine,” in Other Healers: Unorthodox Medicine in America, ed. Norman Gevitz (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988), 29–51.

On the relationship of slaves and physicians, see Todd L. Savitt, “Black Health on the Plantation: Masters, Slaves, and Physicians,” in Sickness and Health: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers, 3rd ed. (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1997), 313–30; and Sharla M. Fett, Working Cures: Healing, Health, and Power on Southern Slave Plantations (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002) [171]. On slave medical practices, see Charles Joyner, Down by the Riverside: A South Carolina Slave Community (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984); Jeffrey E. Anderson, Conjure in African American Society (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2005); Philip Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eighteenth-Century Chesapeake and (p.209) Lowcountry (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press 1998) [quote from Alexander Garden, 618]; and Patricia Samford, “The Archeology of African-American Slavery and Material Culture,” WMQ 53 (1996): 87–114.

Chapter 4: Abundance

Firsthand commentaries come from Eliza Lucas Pinckney, Letterbook of 1739–1762, ed. Elise Pinckney with the assistance of Marvin R. Zahniser (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972) [39]; John Brickell, The Natural History of North Carolina (1737; repr., Murfreesboro, NC: Johnson Publishing, 1968) [39, 126]; Louis B. Wright and Marion Tinling, eds., The Great American Gentleman, William Byrd of Westover in Virginia: His Secret Diary for the Years 1709—1712 (New York: Capricorn Books, 1963); Ronald Hoffman, et al, eds., Dear Papa, Dear Charley, the Peregrinations of a Revolutionary Aristocrat as told by Charles Carroll of Carrollton and His Father, 2 vols. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001) [references to food are in Carroll’s letters from 1770 to 1775 in vol. 2]; Andrew Burnaby, Travels Through the Middle Settlements in North America in the Years 1759–1760 (1798; repr., New York: Augustus M. Kelley, 1970), [41–44,. 63]; Edward Miles Riley, ed., The Journal of John Harrower: an Indentured Servant in the Colony of Virginia, 1773–1776 (Williamsburg, VA: Colonial Williamsburg, 1963), [56]; Jean A. Brillat-Savarin, The Physiology of Taste: Meditations on Transcendental Gastronomy (1948; repr., New York: Dover 1960) [51]. The description of meals in Tuesday Club meetings are scattered throughout the Records of the Tuesday Club of Annapolis, 1745–56, ed. Elaine G. Breslaw (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988).

Information on the English diet and state of health was gleaned from Carl Bridenbaugh, Vexed and Troubled Englishmen, 1590–1642 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967); Andrew B. Appleby, “Diet in Sixteenth Century England,” in Health, Medicine, and Mortality in the Sixteenth Century, ed. Charles Webster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 97–116; and E. Alexander Bergstrom, “English Game Laws and Colonial Food Shortages,” NEQ (1939): 681–90. On the relationship of nutrition and population growth see Massimo Livi-Bacci, Population and Nutrition: An Essay on European Demographic History (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), trans. Tania Croft-Murry; Thomas McKeown, Modern Rise of Population (New York: Academic Press, 1976); and E. A. Wrigley, Population and History (New York: McGraw Hill, 1968).

Early famine in Virginia is described in John Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: W. W. (p.210) Norton, 1975); Karen Ordahl Kupperman, “Apathy and Death in Early Jamestown, JAH (1979), 24–40; and Carville V. Earle, “Environment, Disease, and Mortality in Early Virginia,” in The Chesapeake in the Seventeenth Century: Essays on Anglo-American Society, ed. Thad W. Tate and David L. Ammerman (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), 96–125.

Statistical compilations on caloric intake include Ben J. Wattenberg, comp., Statistical History of the United States: From Colonial Times to the Present (New York: Basic Books, 1976) [esp. 1175]; James H. Cassedy, Demography in Early America: Beginnings of the Statistical Mind, 1600–1800 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1969); Evarts B. Greene and Virginia D. Harrington, American Population Before the Federal Census of 1790 (1932; repr., Gloucester, MA: P. Smith, 1966); Robert V. Wells, Population of the British Colonies in America Before 1776: A Survey of Census Data (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975). On the relationship of diet and stature, see Richard H. Steckel, “Nutritional Status in the Colonial American Economy,” WMQ 56 (1999): 31–52.

Specific demographic studies include Lorena S. Walsh and Russell R. Menard, “Death in the Chesapeake: Two Life Tables for Men in Early Colonial Maryland,” Maryland Historical Magazine 69 (1974): 211–27; Russell Menard, “Maryland Slave Population, 1658–1733: A Demographic Profile of Blacks in Four Counties,” WMQ 32 (1975): 29–54; Philip Greven, “Family Structure in Seventeenth-Century Andover, Massachusetts,” WMQ 23 (1966): 234–56. See also Greven, “Historical Demography and Colonial America: A Review Article,” WMQ 26 (1967): 438–54; and James A. Henretta, The Evolution of American Society, 1700–1815: An Interdisciplinary Analysis (Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath, 1973).

I am most indebted to Alfred Crosby, The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1972); as well as an earlier study by Donald Brand, “The Origin and Early Distribution of new World Cultivated Plants,” Agricultural History 13 (1939): 109–17 regarding native American flora and fauna. On the use of foods I have relied extensively on Trudy Eden, The Early American Table: Food and Society in the New World (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2008) and James E. McWilliams, A Revolution in Eating: How the Quest for Food Shaped America (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005). Other important references are Sarah F. McMahan, “A Comfortable Subsistence, Changing Composition of Diet in Rural New England, 1620–1840,” WMQ 42 (1985): 26–65; Alfred Crosby, Germs, Seeds, and Animals: Studies in Ecological History (Armonk, NY; M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 1994); William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Corn, Colonists and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and (p.211) Wang, 1983); Miriam E. Lowenberg et al., Food and Man, 2nd ed. (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1974); and Lois Green Carr and Lorena S. Walsh, “The Standard of Living in the Colonial Chesapeake,” WMQ 45 (1988): 135–59. The information on pellagra is from Daphne A. Roe, A Plague of Corn: The Social History of Pellagra (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1973).

Aspects of the southern diet are noted in Joe Gray Taylor, Eating, Drinking, and Visiting in the South: An Informal History (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982); and Kay Moss, Southern Folk Medicine, 1750–1820 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1999). On the specific influence of African customs on the south, see Mary Tolford Wilson, “Peaceful Integration: The Owner’s Adoption of His Slaves; Food,” Journal of Negro History 49 (1964): 116–27; and Judith A. Carney and Richard Nicolas Rosomoff, In the Shadow of Slavery: Africa’s Botanic Legacy in the Atlantic World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009). Information on the African diet comes from Robert Hall, “Food Crops, Medicinal Plants, and the Atlantic Slave Trade,” in African-American Foodways, ed. Anne L. Bower (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2007), 17–44; William O. Jones, Manioc in Africa (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1959); Frank Willett, “The Introduction of Maize into West Africa—An Assessment of Recent Evidence,” Africa (1962): 1–13.

There is an extensive literature and debate on the nutritional value of the slave diet, but I have relied mostly on Allan Kulikoff, Tobacco and Slaves: The Development of Southern Cultures in the Chesapeake, 1680–1800 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986); Daniel C. Littlefield, Rice and Slaves: Ethnicity and the Slave Trade in Colonial South Carolina (Urbana: University of Illinois Press (1991); Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eighteenth-Century Chesapeake and Low Country (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998); Todd L. Savitt, Medicine and Slavery: The Diseases and Health Care of Blacks in Antebellum Virginia (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978); and Robert William Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman, Time on the Cross: The Economics of American Negro Slavery (New York: Little, Brown, 1974). Michael Tadman, “The Demographic Cost of Sugar: Debates on Slave Societies and Natural Increases in the Americas,” AHR 105 (2000): 1534–575 reviews that debate with an extensive bibliography.

Important archeological studies are Henry Miller “Archeological Perspective on the Evolution of Diet in the Colonial Chesapeake, 1620–1745,” in Colonial Chesapeake Society, ed. Lois Green Carr, et al. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press 1988), 176–99; Patricia Samford, “The Archeology of African-American Slavery and Material Culture,” WMQ 53 (1996): 87–114; (p.212) and Anne Elizabeth Yentsch, A Chesapeake Family and Their Slaves: A Study in Historical Archaeology (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994).

Kevin Sweeney, “High-Style Vernacular: Lifestyle of the Colonial Elite,” in Of Consuming Interests: The Style of Life in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Cary Carson et al. (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1994); and RichardL. Bushman, The Refinement of American Persons, Houses, Cities (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1992) deal with the genteel style of eating. W. J. Rorabaugh, The Alcoholic Republic: An American Tradition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979) is an early treatise on the drinking habits of Americans. That work is supplemented by Sharon V. Salinger, Taverns and Drinking in Early America (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002); and David W. Conroy, In Public Houses: Drink and the Revolution of Authority in Colonial Massachusetts (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995).

Chapter 5: Wartime

The tribulations of Ezekiel Brown are told by Robert Gross, The Minutemen and Their World (New York: Hill and Wang, 1976). Brown’s “Memoirs” were published in The Centennial of the Social Circle in Concord, ed. Ralph Waldo Emerson (Concord, MA, 1882), 9–85.

The most important sources of information on the formation of the Medical Department during the Revolutionary War include Mary C. Gillette, The Army Medical Department, 1775–1818 (Washington, DC: Center of Military History, United States Army, 1981) [the quote by Biney on 29, 66]; Howard L. Applegate, “Medical Administrators of the American Revolutionary Army, Military Affairs 25 (1961): 1–10; V. R. Allen, “Medicine in the American Revolution,” Journal of the Oklahoma State Medical Association 64 (1971): 377–81; V. R. Allen, Philip Cash, Medical Men at the Siege of Boston, April, 1775–April, 1776 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1973) [71, quote by Washington on 35]; and William Frederick Norwood, “Medicine in the Era of the American Revolution,” International Record of Medicine 171 (1951): 391–407.

Biographies of the principle administrators were especially useful in illuminating the personal animosities that hindered effective actions. Those include Whitfield J. Bell, John Morgan Continental Doctor (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1965) [119]; David Freeman Hawke, Benjamin Rush: Revolutionary Gadfly (New York: Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1971); and Morris H. Saffron, Surgeon to Washington: Dr. John Cochran (1730–1807) (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977).

Medical treatment and diseases during the war are detailed in John Duffy, The Healers: A History of American Medicine (Urbana: University of Illinois (p.213) Press, 1976) [83, 77, Sullivan’s quote on 78]; Stanhope Baynes-Jones, The Evolution of Preventive Medicine in the United States Army, 1607–1939 (Washington, DC: Office of the Surgeon General, Department of the Army, 1968); Elizabeth Fenn, Pox Americana: The Great Smallpox Epidemic of 1775–82 (New York: Hill and Wang, 2001); and Benjamin Quarles, The Negro in the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1961). James Kirby Martin, ed., Ordinary Courage: The Revolutionary War Adventures of Joseph Plumb Martin (New York: Brandywine Press, 1993) provides a personal account of medical care. “Diary of M. Ambler, 1770,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 45 (1937): 15270 is a firsthand account of the inoculation process.

The most important work on women during the war is Joan R. Gundersen, To Be Useful to the World: Women in Revolutionary America, 1740–1790, rev. ed. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006). See also Walter Hart Blumenthal, Women Camp Followers of the American Revolution (Philadelphia: George S. MacManus Company, 1952). On Deborah Sampson see also William Frederick Norwood, “Deborah Sampson, Alias Robert Shirtliff, Fighting Female of the Continental Line,” BHM 31 (1957): 14761. Herman Mann, ed., The Female Review: Life of Deborah Sampson (1797; repr., New York: Arno Press, 1972) includes a remnant of her diary.

There are enumerable studies of medical education in the colonial era, but I have drawn mostly on Whitfield J. Bell, “Medical Practice in Colonial America,” BHM 31 (1957): 442–53; Genevieve Miller, “Medical Education in the American Colonies,” Journal of Medical Education 31 (1956): 82–94; William Dosite Postell, “Medical Education and Medical Schools in Colonial America,” in History of American Medicine: A Symposium, ed. Félix Marti-Ibañez (New York: MD Publications, 1959), 48–54; and Lamar Riley Murphy, Enter the Physician: The Transformation of Domestic Medicine, l760–1860 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1991).

Chapter 6: New Nation

Most of the information on the epidemic in Philadelphia is taken from John H. Powell, Bring out Your Dead: The Great Plague of Yellow Fever in Philadelphia in 1793 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1970) [109, 78, 115]; with additional details from Elaine Crane, ed., The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker: The Life Cycle of an Eighteenth-Century Woman (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1994, abridged) [112]; Technical details about the disease is from Peter Wood, Black Majority: Negroes in Colonial South Carolina from 1670 through the Stono Rebellion (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974). The political ramifications are in Martin S. Pernick, “Politics, Parties, (p.214) and Pestilence: Epidemic Yellow Fever in Philadelphia and the Rise of the First Party System,” WMQ 24 (1972): 559–86. Additional information on Benjamin Rush is from John Duffy, The Healers: A History of American Medicine (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1976); and David Freeman Hawkes, Benjamin Rush: Revolutionary Gadfly (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1971).

On the limitations of science and medicine at the time I have drawn on Brooke Hindle, The Pursuit of Science in Revolutionary America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1956); Russell Blaine Nye, Cultural Life of the New Nation, 1776–1830 (New York: Harper and Row, 1960); David Ramsay, “A Review of the Improvement, Progress and State of Medicine in the Eighteenth Century,” delivered January 1, 1800, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 55 (1965): 96–217. References to statistical compilations by the early Americans come from James H. Cassedy, Demography in Early America: Beginnings of the Statistical Mind, 1600–1800 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1969).

Sources on the vaccination issue include Whitfield J. Bell, “Dr. James Smith and the Public Encouragement for Vaccination for Smallpox” in The Colonial Physician and Other Essays, ed. Whitfield J. Bell, (New York: SHP, 1975), 131–47; John Duffy, The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health (Urbana: University of Illinois, 1990); John Greene, “The Boston Medical Community and Emerging Science, 1780–1820,” in Medicine in Colonial Massachusetts, 1620–1820 (Boston: CSM, 1980), 187–98; and John B. Blake, Benjamin Waterhouse and the Introduction of Vaccine: A Reappraisal (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1957).

George Washington’s last days are described in Volney Steele, Bleed, Blister, and Purge: A History of Medicine on the American Frontier (Missoula, MT: Mountain Press Publishing Company, 2005); James Thomas Flexner, The Indispensable Man (Boston: Little, Brown, 1974); and Joseph Ellis, His Excellency George Washington (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004).

Information on the western areas comes from David Dary, Frontier Medicine: From the Atlantic to the Pacific, 1492–1941 (New York: Vintage Books, 2008) [87]; Kay Moss, Southern Folk Medicine, 1750–1820 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1999); Thomas A. Horrocks, Popular Print and Popular Medicine: Almanacs and Health Advice in Early America (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2008); and Daniel Drake, A Systematic Treatise … on the Principal Diseases of the Interior Valley of North America (Philadelphia: G. Smith, 1854), [648]. Conevery Bolton Valencius, The Health of the Country, How American Settlers Understood Themselves and their Land (New York: Basic Books, 2002) focuses on the Missouri and Arkansas territories (p.215) [quotes by Breckenridge 128 and Pope 173]. Comments on the filth are in Suellen Hoy, Chasing Dirt: The American Pursuit of Cleanliness (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995) [quotation by Faux, 78]. Specific commentaries on food habits are in Michael and Ariane Batterberry, On the Town in New York: A History of Eating, Drinking, and Entertainments from 1776 to the Present (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1973) [46]; Dary, Frontier Medicine; Sarah F. McMahan, “A Comfortable Subsistence: Changing Composition of Diet in Rural New England, 16201840,” WMQ 42 (1985): 26–65; and Frances Trollope, Domestic Manners of America (London, 1832) [159-60]. Information on the Lewis and Clark expedition is from Drake W. Will, “Medical and Surgical Practice of the Lewis and Clark Expedition,” JHM 14 (1959): 27379.

The medical abuse of slaves is treated in Steven M. Stowe, Doctoring the South: Southern Physicians and Everyday Medicine in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004); Sharla M. Fett, Working Cures: Healing, Health, and Power on Southern Slave Plantations (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002); Harriet A. Washington, Medical Apartheid: The Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial Times to the Present (New York: Doubleday, 2006); Todd L. Savitt, “Black Health on the Plantation: Master, Slaves, and Physicians,” in Sickness and Health: Reading in the History of Medicine and Public Health, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers, 3rd ed. (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1997), 313–30; and Savitt, Medicine and Slavery: The Diseases and Health Care of Black in Antebellum Virginia (Urbana: University of Illinois, 1978). For the reference to present-day issues see Marian E. Gornick, Vulnerable Populations and Medicare Services: Why Do Disparities Exist? (New York: Century Foundation Press, 2000).

On the problems of the urban poor I have drawn mainly on recent studies by Seth Rockman, Scraping By: Wage Labor, Slavery, and Survival in Early Baltimore (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009); and Gary P. Nash, “Poverty and Politics in Early American,” and Susan E. Klepp, “Malthusian Theories and the Working Poor in Philadelphia, 1780–1830: Gender and Infant Mortality,” in Down and Out in Early America, ed. Billy G. Smith (University Park: Pennsylvania State University press, 2003), 1–40, 63–92.

Chapter 7: Giving Birth

Martha’s Ballard’s diary was edited and abridged with commentary by Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, A Midwife’s Tale: Life of Martha Ballard Based on her Diary, 1785–1812 (New York: Random House, 1990) [162–63, 178]; (p.216) Elaine Forman Crane edited The Diary of Elizabeth Drinker: The Life Cycle of an Eighteenth-Century Woman (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1994). The references to Gunn’s Domestic Medicine (1830,) are in the facsimile edition edited with an introduction by Charles E. Rosenberg (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1986).

On the entry of men into the field important sources are Jane B. Donegan, Women and Men Midwives: Medicine, Morality and Misogyny in Early America (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1978); Jean Donnison, Midwives and Medical Men: A History of Inter-Professional Rivalries and Women Rights (New York: Schocken Books, 1977); and Adrian Wilson, The Making of Man-Midwifery (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995). Adrian Wilson, “Midwifery in the ‘Medical Marketplace,’” in Medicine and the Market in England and Its Colonies, c. 1450–c. 1850, ed. Mark S. R. Jenner and Patrick Wallis, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 153–74 focuses on Great Britain. Two earlier studies that highlight the importance of men midwives are Edwin M. Jameson, “Eighteenth Century Obstetrics and Obstetricians in the United States,” Annals of Medical History 10 (1938): 413–28; and Herbert Thorns, “The Beginning of Obstetrics in America,” Yale Journal of Biology and Medicine 4 (1932): 665–75. Suzanne Lebsock highlights one community in The Free Women of Petersburg: Status and Culture in a Southern Town, 1784–1860 (New York: W. W. Norton Company, 1984).

The descriptions of childbirth practices consulted for this study include Jacques Gélis, History of Childbirth: Fertility, Pregnancy and Birth in Early Modern Europe, trans. Rosemary Morris (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1991); Virginia G. Drachman, “The Loomis Trial: Social Mores and Obstetrics in the mid-nineteenth Century,” in Health Care in America: Essays in Social History, ed. Susan Reverby and David Rosner (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1979), 667–83; Susan E. Klepp, “Revolutionary Bodies: Women and the Fertility Transition in the Mid-Atlantic Region, 1760–1820,” JAH 74 (1998): 920–42; and Richard W. and Dorothy C. Wertz, Lying-In: A History of Childbirth in America, rev. ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989) [Meigs quoted on 58 and Holmes on 122]. Judith Walzer Leavitt, Brought to Bed: Childbearing in America, 1750–1950 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986) focuses on the transformation of birth from a natural to a technological event. On the puerperal issue, see also Sherwin B. Nuland, The Doctors’ Plague: Germs, Childbed Fever, and the Strange Story of Ignac Semmelweis (New York: W. W. Norton, 2003). Information on the use of anesthetics is from Leavitt, “‘Science’ Enters the Birthing Room: Obstetrics in America Since the Eighteenth Century,” JAH 70 (1983): 281–304; Lawrence G. Miller, “Pain, Parturition, and the Profession: Twilight Sleep in America,” (p.217) in Reverby and Rosner, Health Care in America, 19–44; and John Duffy, The Healers: A History of American Medicine (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1976).

On birth control methods and statistics see Dorothy McLaren, “Fertility, Infant Mortality, and Breast Feeding in the Seventeenth Century,” Medical History 22 (1978): 378–96; Patricia A. Watson, “The ‘Hidden Ones’: Women and Healing in Colonial New England,” in Medicine and Healing, ed. Peter Benes (Boston: Boston University, 1992), 25–33; Herbert Klein and StanleyL. Engerman, “Fertility Differentials Between Slaves in the United States and the British West Indies: A Note on Lactation Practices and Their Implication,” WMQ 35 (1978): 357–74; Richard H. Steckel, “African American Population of the United States, 1790–1920,” in A Population History of North America, ed. Michael R. Haines and Steckel (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 433–82; and James Reed, “Doctors, Birth Control, and Social Values, 1830–1970,” in The Therapeutic Revolution: Essays in the History of Medicine, ed. Morris J. Vogel and Charles E. Rosenberg (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979), 109–33.

Information on obstetrical training came from Kay Moss, Southern Folk Medicine, 1750–1820 (Columbia: University of South Carolina, 1999) [quote by Buchan, 140]; Steven M. Stowe, Doctoring the South: Southern Physicians and Everyday Medicine in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004); and Lamar Riley Murphy, Enter the Physician; The Transformation of Domestic Medicine, 1760–1860 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1991).

For the American Indians I relied on John Duffy, “Medicine and Medical Practices Among Aboriginal American Indians,” International Record of Medicine 171 (1958): 331–47; Ann Marie Plane, “Childbirth Practices Among Native American Women of New England and Canada, 1600–1800,” in Benes, Medicine and Healing, 13–24; and Theda Perdue, Cherokee Women: Gender and Social Change, 1700–1835 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998).

The most complete source of information on the abusive treatment of female slaves is Harriet A. Washington, Medical Apartheid: The Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial Times to the Present (New York: Doubleday, 2006). Much of what she says is confirmed by Todd L. Savitt, Medicine and Slavery: The Diseases and Health Care of Blacks in Antebellum Virginia (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978); Marie Jenkins Schwartz, Birthing a Slave: Motherhood and Medicine in the Antebellum South (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006); and to a lesser extent by William D. Postell, The Health of Slaves on Southern Plantations (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1951).

(p.218) The clearest descriptions of the abortion issue are in James C. Mohr, Abortion in America: The Origins and Evolution of National Policy, 1800–1900 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), [37, 44]; Rosalind Pollack Petchesky, Abortion, A Woman’s Choice: The State, Sexuality, and Reproductive Freedom, rev. ed. (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1990); and Rickie Salinger, Pregnancy and Power: A Short History of Reproductive Politics in America (New York: New York University Press, 2007). On methods of abortion, see Sharla M. Fett, Working Cures: Healing, Health, and Power on Southern Slave Plantations (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002); Susan E. Klepp, “Lost, Hidden, Obstructed and Repressed: Contraception and Abortive Technology in the Early Delaware Valley,” in Early American Technology, ed. Judith McGaw (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 68–113. The 1742 abortion incident is analyzed by Cornelia Hughes Dayton, “Taking the Trade: Abortion and Gender Relations in an Eighteenth-Century New England Village,” WMQ 48 (1991): 19–49.

Chapter 8: Face of Madness

Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, “Derangement in the Family: The Story of Mary Sewall, 1824–1825,” in Medicine and Healing, ed. Peter Benes (Boston: Boston University Press, 1992), 168–87,

describes the selection from Henry Sewall’s diary relating to his daughter’s treatment. Eliza Lucas Pinckney’s comments are in her Letterbook of Eliza Lucas Pinckney, 1732–1762, ed. Elise Pinckney with the editorial assistance of Marvin R. Zahniser (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972) [46].

On the witchcraft aspects of insanity, I have drawn on Norman Gevitz, “The Devil Hath Laughed at the Physicians: Witchcraft and Medical Practice in Seventeenth-Century New England,” JHMAS 55 (2000): 5–36 and my own work in Witches of the Atlantic World: A Historical Reader and Primary Sourcebook (New York: New York University Press, 2000); and Tituba, Reluctant Witch of Salem: Devilish Indians and Puritan Fantasies (New York: New York University Press, 1996).

One of the earliest histories of the treatment of the mentally ill in America is Albert Deutsch, The Mentally Ill in America: A History of their Care and Treatment from Colonial Times (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Doran and Company, Inc. 1937). Deutsch’s thesis that the mad benefited from hospitalization was first questioned by Michel Foucault, Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason, trans. Richard Howard (New York: Pantheon, 1965). Gary Williams, Age of Agony: the Art of Healing, c. 1700–1800 (1975; repr., Chicago: Academy Chicago Publishers, 1986) (p.219) is also very critical. For more recent works that view the asylum in the context of changing social conditions, see Mary Ann Jimenez, Changing Faces of Madness: Early American Attitudes and Treatment of the Insane (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1987) [60–61, 128, 79]; David J. Rothman, The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic (Boston: Little, Brown, 1971); and Gerald Grob, “Abuse in American Mental Hospitals in Historical Perspective: Myth and Reality,” International Journal of Law and Psychiatry 3 (1980): 195–310. See also Grob, “Class, Ethnicity, and Race in American Mental Hospitals, 1830-–1875, in Theory and Practice in American Medicine, ed. Gert H. Brieger (New York: SHP, 1976), 227–49. Information on the incidence of death in the asylums is from Barbara G. Rosenkrantz and Maris A. Vinovskis, “Sustaining the Flickering Flame of Life: Accountability and Culpability for Death in AnteBellum Massachusetts Asylums,” in Health Care in America: Essays in Social History, ed. Susan Reverby and David Rosner (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1979), 154–82.

Most useful for understanding the influence of Benjamin Rush on the treatment of the mentally ill are David Freeman Hawke, Benjamin Rush: Revolutionary Gadfly (New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1971); Tomas A. Horrocks, Popular Print and Popular Medicine: Almanacs and Health Advice in Early America (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2008); Ida Macalpine and Richard Hunter, George III and the Mad Business (New York: Pantheon Books, 1969); and Jimenez, Changing Faces of Madness.

The mental problems and treatment of African-Americans is detailed in Sharla M. Fett, Working Cures: Healing, Health, and Power on Southern Slave Plantations (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002); William D. Postell, The Health of Slaves on Southern Plantations (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1951), Todd L. Savitt, Medicine and Slavery: the Diseases and Health Care of Blacks in Antebellum Virginia (Urbana: University of Illinois, 1978) [249]; and Harriet A. Washington, Medical Apartheid: The Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial times to the Present (New York: Doubleday, 2006) [148]. Magical practices are described in Jeffrey E. Anderson, Conjure in African American Society (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2005); Charles Joyner, Down by the Riverside: A South Carolina Slave Community (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984); Elliott J. Gorn, “Black Magic: Folk Beliefs of the Slave Community,” in Science and Medicine in the Old South, ed. Ronald L. Numbers and Todd L. Savitt (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1989), 295–312. David Hackett Fischer, Albion’s Seed: Four British Folkways in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989) deals with white folklore.

(p.220) Graham Richards, Mental Machinery: The Origins and consequences of Psychological Ideas, Part I: 1600–1850 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992) deals with the philosophical and practical issues of insanity. Also of interest is Anne Digby, Madness, Morality and Medicine: A Study of the York Retreat, 1796–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). On psychiatry as an early specialty, the most useful works were Charles E. Rosenberg, Our Present Complaint: American Medicine, Then and Now (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007); and Gerald Grob’s larger work, The Mad Among Us: A History of Health Care of America’s Mentally Ill (New York: The Free Press, 1994) [27, 46, 75].

One excellent and comprehensive treatment of the mentally ill in the south is Peter McCandless, Moonlight, Magnolias, and Madness: Insanity in South Carolina from the Colonial Period to the Progressive Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996) [98]. Other useful sources of information on southern asylums are Shomer S. Zwelling, Quest for a Cure: the Public Hospitals in Williamsburg, Virginia, 1773–1885 (Williamsburg: Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, 1985); Wyndham B. Blanton, Medicine in Virginia in the Eighteenth Century (Richmond: Garret and Massie Inc., 1931); Steven M. Stowe, Doctoring the South: Southern Physicians and Everyday Medicine in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004); and Samuel B. Thielman, “Southern Madness: The Shape of Mental Health Care in the Old South,” in Numbers and Savitt, Science and Medicine, 256–75.

Chapter 9: Democratic Medicine

William Dyott’s patent medicine career is described in James Harvey Young, The Toadstool Millionaires: A Social History of Patent Medicine in America Before Federal Regulation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961). Additional information on Dyott’s life is in R. Daniel Wadhwani, “The Demise of Thomas Dyott: Experimenting with Popular Finance in Jacksonian Philadelphia,” paper prepared for “Panic of 1837 Conference” at the Library Company of Philadelphia, October, 2007.

Important sources of information on John Gunn and Western medicine in general are in the facsimile of the first edition of Gunn’s Domestic Medicine (1830) edited with an introduction by Charles E. Rosenberg (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1986) [98–99]; Lamar Riley Murphy, Enter the Physician: the Transformation of Domestic Medicine, 1760–1860 (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1991) [104]; and David Dary, Frontier Medicine: From the Atlantic to the Pacific, 1492–1941 (New York: Vintage Books, 2008).

(p.221) The most useful works on the state of medical practice, licensing provisions, and the training of physicians include: Paul Starr, Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic Books, 1982), [17]; Richard H. Shryock, Medicine and Society in America, 1660–1860 (New York: New York University Press, 1960) [149]; John Duffy, The Healers: A History of American Medicine (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1976); James Cassedy, Medicine and American Growth, 1800–1860 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1986); and Ronald L. Numbers, “The Fall and Rise of the American Medical Profession,” in Sickness and Health: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers, 2nd ed. (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1985), 185–96.

Probably the most comprehensive work on the various irregulars and the self-help movement is James C. Whorton, Nature Cures: The History of Alternative Medicine in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002) [32]; which is supplemented by the more recent Roberta A. Bivins, Alternative Medicine?: A History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), [95]. Of particular note are a variety of chapters in Norman Gevitz, ed., Other Healers: Unorthodox Medicine in America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988) that includes the editor’s introduction, “Three Perspectives on Unorthodox Medicine,” and William Rothstein, “The Botanical Movements and Orthodox Medicine,” 1–28 and 29–51.

All the above works contributed to an understanding of Thomsonianism, but additional information was gleaned from J. Worth Estes, “Samuel Thomson Rewrites Hippocrates,” and Michael G. Kenny, “Democratic Medicine of Dr. Alias Smith,” in Medicine and Healing, ed. Peter Benes (Boston: Boston University Press, 1992), 113–32 and 133–41; Sharla M. Fett, Working Cures: Healing, Health, and Power on Southern Slave Plantations (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002); Todd L. Savitt, “Black Health on the Plantation: Master, Slaves, and Physicians,” in Leavitt and Numbers, Sickness and Health, 313–30. Additional information on homeopathy is from Martin Kaufman, “Homeopathy in America: The Rise and Fall and Persistence of a Medical Heresy,” in Gevitz, Other Healers, 99–123. On hydropathy I found Susan E. Cayleff, Wash and Be Healed: The Water-Cure Movement and Women’s Health (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987) [98] to be especially insightful. On the question of cleanliness and the use of soap, I drew on the study by Richard L. Bushman and Claudia L. Bushman, “The Early History of Cleanliness in America,” JAH 74 (1998): 1213–38. The early spas are described in Carl Bridenbaugh, “Baths and Watering Places of America,” WMQ 3 (1946): 151–81.

Other self-help movements especially on Graham and Alcott are detailed in James C. Whorton, “Patient, Heal Thyself: Popular Health Reform (p.222) Movements as Unorthodox Medicine,” in Gevitz, Other Healers, 52–81; Murphy, Enter the Physician, [115]; and John R Betts, “Mind and Body in Early American Thought,” JAH 55 (1968): 787–805. Additional information on Kellogg is in Anthony Cavender, Folk Medicine in Southern Appalachia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003); and Carl Degler, “Women’s Sexuality,” AHR 79 (1974): 1467–90. On phrenology and Mesmerism see Graham Richards, Mental Machinery The Origins and Consequences of Psychological Ideas, Part I, 1600–1850 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992).

For insight into the relationship between medical therapies and the physician’s sense of identity, I am indebted to John Harley Warner, The Therapeutic Perspective: Medical Practice, Knowledge, and Identity in America, 1820–1885 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986) [5]; as well as Charles E. Rosenberg, Our Present Complaint: American Medicine, Then and Now (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007); and his “The Therapeutic Revolution: Medicine, Meaning, and Social Change 1 Nineteenth-Century America,” in The Therapeutic Revolution: Essays in the History of American Medicine, ed. Morris J. Vogel and Charles E. Rosenberg (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979), 3–26. John S. Haller, “Decline of Bloodletting: A Study in 19th-Century Ratiocination,” Southern Medical Journal 79 (1986): 469–74 provided the reference to Hughes Bennet. The study of the Cincinnati hospital is in John Harley Warner, “Power, Conflict, and Identity in Mid-Nineteenth-Century American Medicine: Therapeutic Change at the Commercial Hospital in Cincinnati,” JAH 73 (1987): 934–56.

On medical nationalism and the resistance to European developments, see David Wootton, Bad Medicine: Doctors Doing Harm Since Hippocrates (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007); John Harley Warner, “The Idea of Southern Medical Distinctiveness: Medical Knowledge and Practice in the Old South,” in Leavitt and Numbers, Sickness and Health, 2nd. ed., 53–70; and his “From Specificity to Universalism in Medical Therapeutics: Transformation in the Nineteenth-Century United States,” in Leavitt and Numbers, Sickness and Health, 3rd ed., 87–101; and Elizabeth Barnaby Keeney, “Unless Powerful Sick: Domestic Medicine in the Old South,” in Science and Medicine in the Old South, ed. Ronald L. Numbers and Todd L. Savitt (Baton: Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1989), 276–94.

Chapter 10: Public Health

The major sources consulted for all aspects of public health include: John Duffy, The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health (Chicago: (p.223) University of Illinois, 1990) [66]; Richard Harrison Shryock, Medicine and Society in America, 1660–1860 (1960; repr., Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1972); Margaret H. Warner, “Public Health in the Old South” in Science and Medicine in the Old South, ed. Ronald L. Numbers, and Todd L. Savitt (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1989), 22655; and Paul Starr, Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic Books, 1982).

Information on John H. Griscom is taken from Suellen Hoy, Chasing Dirt: The American Pursuit of Cleanliness (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Charles E. Rosenberg and Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, “Pietism and the Origins of the American Public Health Movement: A Note on John H. Griscom and Robert M. Hartley,” JHMAS 23 (1968): 16–35; and Gert H. Brieger, “Sanitary Reform in New York City: Stephen Smith and the Passage of the Metropolitan Health Bill,” BHM 40 (1966): 407–29. Details taken from Griscom’s works include his Sanitary Conditions of the Laboring Population of New York (New York, 1845); and his description of his father in Memoir of John Griscom (New York, 1859). The death rates are in his Sanitary Legislation, Past and Future: The Value of Sanitary Reform (New York, 1861).

Statistics regarding death and life expectancy in the nineteenth century are taken from Ben J. Wattenberg, Statistical History of the United States (New York: Basic Books, 1976); Robert William Fogel, Without Consent or Contract: The Rise and Fall of American Slavery (New York: Norton, 1989); E. A. Wrigley, Population and History (New York: McGraw-Hill Company, 1969); and Michael R. Haines, “Fertility and Mortality in the United States,” (EH.net Encyclopedia, 2008) based on his chapter on “The White Population of the United States, 17901920,” and that of Richard H. Steckel, “African American Population of the United States, 17901920,” in A Population History of North America, ed. Michael R. Haines and Richard H. Steckel (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 305–70 and 433–82. A good summary of recent demographic studies is Herbert Klein, Population History of the United States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004).

On the march of cholera in the world, see William H. NcNeill, Plagues and People (New York: Anchor Books Doubleday, 1976); Irwin W. Sherman, Twelve Diseases that Changed Our World (Washington, DC: ASM Press, 2007); and Robert D. Morris, The Blue Death: Disease, Disaster, and the Water Drink (New York: Harper Collins, 2007). The hunt for the source of the disease in London is told by Steven Johnson, The Ghost Map: The Story of London’s Most Terrifying Epidemic and How it Changed Science, Cities, and the Modern World (New York: Riverhead Books, 2006). On the appearance of the disease in New York, the most important source is Charles E. Rosenberg, The Cholera Years: the United States in 1832, 1849, and 1866 (Chicago: (p.224) University of Chicago Press, 1968; repr., 1987); for cholera’s appearance in Cincinnati, John Harley Warner, “Power, Conflict and Identity in Mid-Nineteenth Century American Medicine: Therapeutic Change at the Commercial Hospital in Cincinnati,” JAH 73 (1980): 934–56; and in the South, Anthony Cavender, Folk Medicine in Southern Appalachia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003); Todd L. Savitt, Medicine and Slavery: The Diseases and Health Care of Blacks in Antebellum Virginia (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 278); and Steven M. Stowe, Doctoring the South: Southern Physicians and Everyday Medicine in the Mid-nineteenth Century (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004). Thomas H. Buckler describes his experience and experiments in The History of the Epidemic Cholera as it Appeared at the Baltimore City and County Alms-House in the Summer of 1849 (Baltimore, 1851).

The backward nature of American medicine and the rejection of science during this period is detailed in James H. Cassedy, “The Flamboyant Colonel Waring: An Anticontagionist Holds the American State in the Age of Pasteur and Koch,” BHM 36 (1962): 163–76; Ronald L. Numbers and John Harley Warner, “The Maturation of American Medical Science,” in Sickness and Health: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers, 2nd ed. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 185–96; Ronald L. Numbers, “The Fall and Rise of American Medical Profession,” in Leavitt and Numbers, Sickness and Health, 3rd ed., 130–42; Phyllis Allen Richmond, “American Attitudes Toward the Germ Theory of Disease,” in Gert H. Brieger, ed., Theory and Practice in American Medicine (New York: SHP, 1976), 58–84; and David Wootton, Bad Medicine: Doctors Doing Harm Since Hippocrates (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007). On the devastating medical treatment of James Garfield see Candice Millar, Destiny of the Republic: A Tale of Madness, Medicine, and the Murder of a President (New York: Doubleday, 2011).

Useful sources on the changing nature of American therapies at mid century include John S. Haller, “Decline of Bloodletting: A Study in 19th-Century Ratiocination,” Southern Medical Journal 79 (1986): 469–74; Martin Kaufman, Homeopathy in America: The Rise and Fall and Persistence of a Medical Heresy,” in Other Healers: Unorthodox Medicine in America, ed. Norman Gevitz (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988), 99–123; and James C. Whorton, Nature Cures: The History of Alternative Medicine in America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002).

Important sources on the public attitude toward cleanliness and the use of soap is Marilyn Thornton Williams, Washing “The Great Unwashed”: Public Baths in Urban America, 1840–1920 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1991); (p.225) and Richard L. Bushman and Claudia L. Bushman, “The Early History of Cleanliness in America,” JAH 74 (1998): 1213–38. The most recent work by Kathleen M. Brown, Foul Bodies: Cleanliness in America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009) focuses on the prescriptive literature regarding cleanliness for the genteel.

On hospital development and surgical practices, see Josiah C. Trent, “Surgical Anesthesia, 1846–1946 in Brieger, Theory and Practice, 193–202; Morris J. Vogel, “The Transformation of the American Hospital, 1854–1920”; and Charles E. Rosenberg, “Social Class and Medical Care in Nineteenth-Century America: The Rise and Fall of the Dispensary,” in Health Care in America: Essays in Social History, ed. Susan Reverby and David Rosner (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1979), 105–16, 250–72; Edward C. Atwater, “Touching the Patient: The Teaching of Internal Medicine in America,” in Leavitt and Numbers, Sickness and Health, 2nd ed., 129–47; and Kay Moss, Southern Folk Medicine, 1750–1820 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1999).

Conclusion

The quotation from Steven Johnson is in his The Ghost Map: The Story of London’s Most Terrifying Epidemic and How it Changed Science, Cities, and the Modern World (New York: Riverhead Books, 2006) [15]. The rejection of European laboratory discoveries is described by Phyllis Allen Richmond, “American Attitudes toward the Germ Theory of Disease, 1860–1880,” and Curt Proskauer, “Development and Use of the Rubber Glove in Surgery and Gynecology;” in Theory and Practice in American Medicine, ed. Curt H. Brieger (New York: SHP, 1976), 58–84 and 203–11.

Epilogue

The report on the medical schools is in Abraham Flexner, Medical Education in the United States and Canada (New York: Carnegie Corporation, 1910). Sources on the founding of and importance of Johns Hopkins University Medical School include: Paul Starr, Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic Books, 1982); John Harley Warner, “From Specificity to Universalism in Medical Therapeutics: Transformation in the 19th-century United States,” and Ronald L. Numbers and Warner, “The Maturation of American Medical Science,” in Sickness and Health: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Numbers, 3rd ed. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1997), 87–101 and 130–42. (p.226) On medical science I found D. I. Weatherall, Science and the Quiet Art: The Role of Medical Research in Health Care (New York: W. W. Norton, 1995); and James H. Cassedy, “Medicine and the Learned Society in the United States, 1660–1850,” in The Pursuit of Knowledge in the Early American Republic: American Scientific and Learned Society from Colonial Times to the Civil War, ed. Alexandra Oleson and Sanborn C. Brown (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976), 261–78 additionally informative.

Most of the information on mortality and vital statistics comes from Herbert Klein, Population History of the United States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004). Other statistics come from Arthur K. and Elaine Shapiro, The Powerful Placebo: From Ancient Priest to Modern Physician (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997). See also Marian F. MacDorman and T. J. Mathews, “Recent Trends in Infant Mortality in the United States,” NCHS data brief, no. 9 (Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics, 2008).

On the present dissatisfaction with medical care, I found the following particularly insightful: Charles E. Rosenberg, Our Present Complaint: American Medicine, Then and Now (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007); Edmond D. Pelligrino, “The Sociocultural Impact of Twentieth-Century Therapeutics,” in The Therapeutic Revolution: Essays in the History of Medicine, ed. Morris J. Vogel and Charles E. Rosenberg (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979), 245–66; Thomas McKeown, Role of Medicine: Dreams, Mirage or Nemesis?, 2nd ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979); Steven A. Schroeder, “We Can Do Better—Improving the Health of the American People; and Daniel Callahan, “Role of Complementary and Alternative Medicine: Accommodating Pluralism,” NEJM 357 (2007): 1221–28 and 860–68; Helen Epstein, “Flu Warning: Beware the Drug Companies,” New York Review of Books, May 12, 2011, 57–61; and Consumers Reports on Health, November 2004, [6].

On the nature of the new alternatives, James C. Whorton, Nature Cures: The History of Alternative Medicines in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002); and Robert A. Bivins, Alternative Medicine: A History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007) are the most detailed. Also of use are Martin Kaufman, “Homeopathy in America: The Rise and Fall and Persistence of a Medical Heresy,” in Other Healers: Unorthodox Medicine in America, ed. Norman Gevitz (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988), 99–123; and Susan E. Cayleff, Wash and Be Healed: The Water-Cure Movement and Women’s Health (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987). There is also a proliferation of websites including the NIH itself and the Mayo Clinic with sources of information on every type of alternative medication and the results of experiments.